“There is no little enemy”-Franklin


Though all the oppressed nations and classes of Pakistan have been exploited by the excesses, plundering, conspiracies and vested interests of the establishment which represents ruling classes; Sindh and Sindhi people have been the biggest victim. The dreams and promises that had inspired Sindh to join Pakistan have been shattered badly with the passage of time. The ruthlessness of history is that this tragic and terrifying story does not seem to be coming to an end so far. For the people struggling for the freedom, salvation, progress and transition of Sindh, it is highly imperative to understand as to how the establishment wants to design and see Sindh as a province, society and nation. Of course, this structure of evil machinations is impossible for them to run without hidden conspiracies and cruel strategies. Therefore, it is a must to study the basics of their foundations and strategies. For only then can a counter-strategy for this could be framed and operated. In this article we will cast a look at the ill-motivated designs and cynical strategies of the establishment about Sindh.

Political strategies

Progressive and democratic politics is the foundation for any society and polity in this modern age because this very thing manifests the superstructure of the society and state as well. Sometimes the apolitical writers and pseudo intelligentsia negate politics which indirectly serves the vested interests of ruling classes and establishment. Negating politics is like negating political and intellectual oxygen for social life or negating art, poetry, culture, literature, knowledge and philosophy for the emotional, intellectual and overall development of the society. Therefore the ruling classes, particularly those of the empowered and hegemonic nations fully understand the significance of politics, its strength and strategic importance. The major portion of the way the establishment wants to design Sindh is composed of their political strategies. Following are the most important among them:

1. Separating and distancing people from politics

Beside ideologies, political parties and leadership the actual power and spirit of politics are people. The politics that has no deep rooted relationship with the people or which does not command their trust is either, one way or the other futile or a structure of useless machinations. Without the people’s emotional, intellectual, political and active socio-political engagement, a powerful people’s politics is unthinkable. Establishment has always, particularly during and after the Zia regime, tried tooth and nail to pollute, criminalize, communalize, terrorize and rather vulgarize politics in Sindh in order to depoliticize emerging vibrant political and civil society. The intelligence agencies illegally plunder the billions, rather trillions of tax rupees of people and use them against the very public that are to criminalize or vulgarize politics. If the people raise among themselves some righteous politicians and credible and committed political workers, they counter-act this by raising hundreds, rather thousands of fake political leaders and pseudo workers. The factory vulgarizing and polluting politics is, round the clock, engaged in selecting ruffian; criminal, characterless and terrorist elements from the society, in order to further train them in corruption and, finally lead them to the field of client politics. The sole purpose behind this is to vulgarize and pollute politics so that people should cherish hatred towards it. Therefore wherever the presence of fake, corrupt, ruffian or terrorist element is visible in politics, it is a sure sign for the fact that their existence in the field of politics is, in fact, a part of the grand strategy of establishment regarding Sindh. Sindh is the society in which, earlier, people used to enter into politics through knowledge, wisdom and consciousness. All the great politicians of Sindh have been scholars, writers and intellectuals. But now the political map of Sindh, has purposefully, been changed so that the people should grow sick of and get distanced from politics. In return to the big political resistance in Sindh, during the Zia rule, the punishment that was meted out of Sindh was that it was tried to make its people sick of politics. Even some sections of Sindhi media were strategically used for this. Some leading Sindhi writers, intellectuals and political leaders played a great part in this. Politicians and political parties could be wrong on many accounts but how could the rationale, existence and the role of political parties be negated on this basis? Now the environment and attitude is changing in this context. Yet there is no doubt in the fact that it has been tried - and is still being tried - to keep the people of Sindh away from politics. It has been, practically resisted and will now be resisted even more as it should be. A few people indulged in this business on purpose. The others took part in this, directly or indirectly, due to a lack of political insight, frustration and anarchist attitude. In particular, after 1983, such an attitude was raised so as to distance people from politics.

2. Causing breakages within political parties

The evil and anti-people forces that are afraid of on organized people’s power of politics know well that the pro-people, responsible, committed and democratic people’s parties are the organized people’s political strength to transform it into power. No matter how conscious and inclined is, in case of the absence of political parties, this enthusiasm of the people will fall prey to distraction, disorganization and anarchy. And this will prove counter-productive to their interests. After the decade of eighty’s, there took place a lot of internal splits in the nationalist and progressive political parties of Sindh. Besides the global changes and objective factors, there were the conscious efforts of the notorious intelligence agencies involved in it. The internal problems exist within the political parties always and at every place, yet surging of a ripple of such break-ups and distraction cannot just be termed as objective coincidence. To understand this, it is imperative to see and observe that the people who got out the parties what kind of politics they did after getting out of the politics. It would be alright if they had done better politics after that. But, most of them followed the signals and interest of intelligence agencies. What can be guessed when the people like Irfan-u-llah Marwat address the yearly ceremonies of the invaluable heroes and real champions of struggle for democracy like Shaheed Fazil Rahu? In fact, the progressive and nationalist politics was quickly advancing with a great strength after the people’s democratic movement of 1983, which is known as Movement for the restoration of democracy (MRD). The establishment watched it in an active and advancing mode. Then it made strategic arrangements for this. Very deplorably, even the politicians that had ripened through a political process of two decades could not perceive as to how and in which hands they were playing directly or indirectly. For a good number of them were not ill-intentioned; they just feel prey to a lack of objective political understanding. As a matter of fact, the parties that were subjected to the internal break-ups could not properly tackle this conspiracy and crises; they even did not take serious efforts in this direction. As a result of that the political movement and strength of Sindh received a transitory mortal setback.

3. Imposition of MQM on Sindh

There is much written about the formation, historical background and political character of MQM. I have also written a book titled, “Politics of MQM and Sindh” which gives a deep insight in to the subject. To cut it short, MQM was also established and raised according to the very same strategy in Sindh as has been discussed above. In 1983’s movement for the restoration for democracy, the Sindhi people’s political dynamism had been fully noticed by Islamabad and they know well as to where the political factors lead the Sindhi people. MQM was, in fact, the counter strategic response of the establishment for the organizing unity strength and democratic struggle of the Sindhi people. Of course, the entrance of hatred, racism, fascism, terrorism, use of weapons, killings and crime intro politics will not let the nationalist democratic politics advance easily. To raise MQM in Sindh, the establishment did not just play its role directly; it even used a section of the nationalist politics to the full right from the beginning. It is no more a secret as to be the bodyguards of Altaf Hussain in the Sindhi Localities at the beginning. Who was the strategically a tool of MQM in Sindh; this matter is an open secret now. And as to why and for what interests this was done is no more a secret. Abdul Wahid Arisar transgressed all the limits by supporting the division of Hyderabad district by MQM in his column in Daily Kawish. Given there were a transparent accountability in Sindh, many would hardly be able to raise their heads due to shame. A majority of Sindhi intellectuals so far has not developed the character to be able to carry out moral, intellectual and political accountability in the national interests sidelining the attitude of trying to keep everyone happy. The history of last 20 years is there as a recorded proof of the fact that the establishment wants to raise MQM as the important political and electoral party so that the Sindh government and the Sindh Assembly should consistently be hostage to it. On the whole, following are the aims of the establishment behind imposing MQM upon Sindh.

Vulgarizing and criminalizing the politics of Sindh through terrorism, crimes, racism and fascism so that it should take politics as source of trouble and calamity instead of a way for emancipation.

Holding the Urdu-speaking community a hostage to MQM so that is should not be a part of democratic process of politics in a free environment from which they fell threatened.

Preventing the nationalist and progressive democratic politics and the real representation of Sindh by the Sindhi people.

Snatching the right to rule, practically, from the indigenous people of Sindh and making MQM the de-facto proprietor of Sindh.

Holding the Sindh government a hostage through MQM so that it could not play the role to defend the interests of Sindh and in case, some nominal autonomy is given in future that ‘autonomous’ government should be ‘their own’.

Giving impression to the world that Sindh does not belong to Sindhis, its actually ‘influential’ sides are others.

Contracting easily some deal about Sindh on crucial moments.

Closing the social and political ways for the nearing of Sindhis and the Urdu-speaking people to each other.

Choosing the people of choice in the name of representation in the centre of Sindh.

Subjecting the Sindhi society to uncertainty, fear and distraction internally, both politically and socially, so that they should fail to produce the required political character.

4. Diving Sindh into the political estates of feudal

In order to render blunt the sharp edge of the political power of Sindhis, on the one hand, MQM is raised and, on the other, the dying feudalism was instilled a fresh life into by the provision of the ‘blood’ of stare’s aid. Not just that, they (Sindhi feudal) were so greatly strengthened that they found no parallel themselves in their last seven generations. Then, they were imposed upon the Sindhi people. The MRD movement of 1983 and the election results of 1988 had proved that Sindh had buried the outdated and obsolete feudal class politically. For example, the defeat of Pir Pagara at the hands of Parvais Ali Shah, of Nawab Sultan Ahmed at the hands of Dr. Ishrat Abbasi, of Ghulam Musatafa Jatoi at the hands of Rehmat-u-llah Bihan. What did all this indicate? After the movement of 1983 and the results of 1988 elections, the establishment, as a strategy, not only kept alive the dying Sindhi feudal class but also imposed them upon Sindhi people as their political estate-holder.

The establishment has been making proper arrangements to, on the one hand, not to let the middle class enlightened leadership arise in Sindh, on the other, to keep the public hostage to their brought-up, kept alive and opportunist feudal socially, economically and politically. Let alone any form of the unity of Sindhi people, they were even not ready to allow the unity or organization of any kind in the sold feudal of Sindh. The glaring example for this is their attitude towards PPP. Even a party like PPP is unacceptable for them in Sindh which is ever ready for any level of compromise and though it could not organize the people, it was yet an organized platform for the feudal. The establishment could not endure even that party of which neither the enemies are afraid and to which nor can the friends can bind any hope. Therefore, in the changed circumstances,

though they kept alive a strengthened the Sindhi feudal yet in the form of divisions. Observation would lead us to conclude that Sindh has been transformed into several small political estates for MQM and Sindhi feudal over the last 15 years. It is as if, practically, the districts have been handed over to the choicest feudal families on the conditional unwritten deal that they will be handed the keys to the resources and the entire state machinery, on a lower level but, on the upper level, in terms of policy matters, they will not open their mouths. Clear impacts of such a deal can be easily viewed in Sindh. interestingly as great strength any feudal has got at lower level, so greatly blind, deaf, dumb, helpless and begging is his attitude at the upper level. A district-wise look at Sindh, in this context, will help understand the matter easily.

5. Snatching the right to rule from the indigenous majority Sindhi people

The supreme social and political right that the people have got in the thousands of years of the travel of human civilization in their right to rule which, in usual terminology, is called people’s democracy. Due to the factors mentioned above, this right has been snatched from the Sindhi people in Pakistan, particularly after the Zia regime. That is, through strategy, before and after elections, a great care is taken not to let the majority party of Sindhis form government in Sindh, no matter if that party works within status-quo, like PPP. Particularly, since Jam Sadique this formula is continued. In the interim, Abdullah Shah’s government was a small respite in this connection. Otherwise, Jam Sadiq, Muzaffar Shah, Liaquat Jatoi Ghous Ali Shah, Ali Muhammad Mahar and Arbab Ghulam Rahim all come under the umbrella of this very formula. It means that the person with one seat in the assembly should be designated at the post of chief minister, only in name, but the entire rule and authority should be with MQM, practically. In the present structure of Pakistan, the people of the rest of the provinces have, at least, the right to form a government to represent their majority, but the people of Sindh have been denied the right, for they are afraid of the rule of the majority of Sindhi people. They had already witnessed the fire in the eyes of the Sindhi people in 1983 and 1988.

Social Strategies

Society is the nursery for politics. As a matter of fact, social structures, attitudes, values and the balance of social power are the factors that determine the way for people’s politics. Either they strike a positive note to this or they harm it badly. Therefore, no political strategy can work to bring the required results so long as a set of social strategies adapted to it are not put in place. After 1983 and 1986, the establishment did not just formulate a set of political strategies to design Sindh afresh according to its interests; a host of social strategies were also taken into account then. What were the features of those social strategies? Let us cast a brief look at this.

1. Destabilizing the balance of the social power of Sindh

In fact, the dependence of the balance of political power is not just on ideologies and ideological political parties but also on the social structure of that particular society. It is impossible for politics to be in the control of enlightened and progressive forces without a positive change in the social structure. As a matter of fact, for high level political changes, the way must be paved by a change in the social structures, attitudes, values, concepts and balance of power. The 1983 and 1988 results brought to the fore the fact that a change was coming over the social temper and balance of power of the Sindhi society. The traitor feudal class that was nurtured and treated as an apple of eye by the English and, later on, by the Pakistani establishment was dying its historical death. And the changing public attitudes were causing cracks in the then prevalent social structure. Therefore, it was decided as a strategy to keep this outdated and dying class alive at all costs and further strengthen it as well. For, otherwise, the results of the rising of new enlightened forces and the strengthening of people would have uprooted the interests of establishment from Sindh. Therefore, this very reason and factor has worked behind the returning and resurging of the feudal class in Sindh and distorting of the social face of Sindh. Dramas were telecast on TV and Sindh was maligned through them and on every forum. Through artificially created brutal conditions, Sindhi’s image was transformed from an enlightened, progressive and resistant character to an estate of feudal and the land of barbaric customs like ‘honor-killing’. A research must be carried out from sociological point of view to probe as to how the social complexion of Sindh has been distorted during the last two decades. The Sindh that was recognized for political consciousness, enlightenment, and resistance literature, mystic and human-friendly temper of people, books and struggle has been transformed in the image of a feudalist, murderous, barbaric, anti-woman, tribal and ritualistic society.

2. Producing the dacoit-culture

The way the moral and social crimes are committed in a society, they were also committed in Sindh. But after 1983, the dacoits and dacoit culture was deliberately created and introduced in Sindh. It was not a historical coincidence. It no society do the social conditions objectively arise without certain reasons and circumstances. If the reasons are created, the results come to the fore, instinctively, without reasons and factors. This is known as the necessary accident in the language of philosophy. It was the same time when, on the one hand, the terrorist culture was introduced in the cities through MQM; on the other hand, the dacoit culture was deliberately raised in the rural areas. In fact, they were the two sides of the same strategy. Here we do not have space enough to go into its details. Yet, on the whole, following were their anti-Sindh and vested interests:

Developing an atmosphere of fear, uncertainty and terror in order to prevent a healthy and natural political growth of society.

Strengthening the anti-people forces.

Blocking ways of a clean nationalist, progressive and democratic politics.

Keeping people under such social tortures as could prevent them from participating in politics.

Destroying the business, industrial and economic activities in Sindh.

Handing over the reins of society to criminals so that the criminal politics could not advance without the aid of intelligence agencies.

Paralyzing the middle class socially so that they should fail to structure their political character.

Distorting the political face of Sindh.

3. Not letting the political society grow

Sindh was and is the only province with an advanced and vibrant political society in comparison to that of the other nationalities and provinces in Pakistan. In its elements, this political society has been democratic, people-friendly, enlightened and progressive. Such political society always tends to pose a danger to the plundering and exploiting ruling class. Pakistani establishment also felt- and is feeling- a great danger from this. Therefore, they raised, step by step, all the elements that deal a deadly blow to the healthy and democratic political society. For example:





Feudalism and Capitalism

Artificial and fake political parties

Antagonism to politics

Racist and sectarian politics

Religious politics

Political delinquency

Political treason and opportunism

Corrupting the middle class politically

Destroying education

Religio-social communalism and dividing people through sectarianism by establishing caste-based organizations


Character of agencies

Anti-politics trends in journalism

Anti-public and anti-politics social role models

Economic Strategies

In order to drag a nation to destruction and decline, just political and social strategies are not enough; economic strategies are also a part of this, for there are always hidden economic interests behind the vested social and political interests. The economic strength and vibrancy of people brings a change in their social attitudes, interests and political structures and strength. By pondering over the reasons and results of the economic backwardness of Sindh in the recent past, it can be easily discovered as to how and through what methods the economic back of Sindh was broken. Despite the immense pressure of the external population, Sindh has been, and still is, a rich and affluent province from the viewpoint of resources. But the recently occurring economic backwardness in the province has alarmingly increased the poverty graph there. In this context, reports of the institutions like UNDP, IUCN and SPDC must be read. In which a detailed account of facts and figures is given. Sindh, particularly its Sindhi people have been thrown into the mire of economic depression through the following methods:

Not letting the real representative forces from government in Sindh. For the makeshift governments coming into being through the machinations of Islamabad and the agencies tend to remain engaged merely in struggling for survival, plundering, corruption and appeasing Islamabad.

By encouraging terrorism and crime in Sindh.

Constantly disturbing peace along with creating an environment of fear and uncertainly in order to pacify the economic activities and block the way of investment.

By weakening the middle class mentally, politically, socially and economically.

By lawlessness and the absence of the rule of law.

By illegal capturing and monopoly of the natural resources and economic production of Sindh.

By taking every economic resource of Sindh in the NFC Award.

By creating a shortage of water in Sindh in the name of different dames, canals, and other projects.

Destroying the career of youth through a deliberately caused decline of education.

By dealing a mortal blow to the garniture of Sindh through giving it minor rates and importing the unimportant things at the wrong time.

By increasing unemployment and decreasing job opportunities in Sindh.

By the incessant and ever-increasing pressure of the external population.

By worst governance.

By the destruction of the developmental infrastructure and not introducing any new and serious investment in this context in Sindh.

By increasing corruption and nepotism instead of merit in public sector institutions in Sindh.


The above mentioned realities are the images that collectively form a frightening sketch of Sindh. It is the very same sketch that we study, see, feel and bear daily in the form of different unwanted, teasing, insulting and grieving news items. In the foregoing discussion, we have made it very clear that this all is not just a coincidence. It is, in fact, the logical conclusion of the reasons that have been created by fits and starts during the last six decades. This is, as a matter of fact, the sketch that the ruling class of Punjab, Military-civil bureaucracy nexus and the establishment want to design. And, so far, they have been, for the time being, successful in this to some extent. A concept and a likely reality should be, and is, of the Sindhi people as well. It is my firm belief that this invertly flowing Ganga of the evil machinations can be set right. But the dream of political change and national emancipation or reformation cannot be fulfilled just through talks and rhetoric. It requires vision, action, counter strategy, strong political institutions, effective leadership and a multidimensional and consistent one at that. People of Sindh deserve a respectable and autonomous constitutional and political status in Pakistan as it was promised in 1940 resolution.

About the author: Jami Chandio is a renowned scholar, political expert and writer. He heads a Sindh based think tank ‘Center for Peace and Civil Society’ (CPCS). He is author of more than 10 books on pure literature and politics. He is also editor of bi-lingual quarterly journal ‘Freedom’ published by CPCS. Currently he works as a Reagon-Fascell Democracy fellow at International Forum for Democratic Studies, Washington DC.


Pakistan faces a multitude of problems because of the monolithic structure of the state. Adventurism and adhoc-ism of the past define the country we live in today. Unconstitutional acts like military takeovers, hangings and assassinations of political leaders, rigging of elections and militants brought from across the world bore all the hallmarks of an irresponsible state.

Crises in FATA and Balochistan and the threats posed by religious extremism and terrorism are not the only challenges facing the country.

We’re living in a world which is in the midst of a tsunami-like economic crisis. Pakistan is part of the UN system and Britton Woods Institutions - The World Bank and International Monetary Fund (IMF). The country is signatory to several UN protocols and bilateral investment treaties with 47 countries, including the Convention on the Settlement of Investment Disputes between States and National of Other States. One such treaty is pending with the United States, the largest economy in the world. The US intends to get a sovereign guarantee i.e. the country must takes over all of its assets if Pakistan is declared a failed state. It seems the rulers are not ready to understand the mood of the time. The country faces perilous outlook.

Some utopian Pakistani writers are still suggesting development models of China, Korea, Japan, Singapore and Switzerland to develop Pakistan. They ignore the fact that above mentioned countries do not take dictation from the IMF.

Monolithic communist China developed when they welcomed investment from the Chinese Diaspora, including Christians and capitalists. It’s very simple to understand that Pakistan can not bring in much-required investment from the world-class Sindhi Hindu Diaspora because of it’s not ready to diversify the economy. The current disorder and the wars in different parts of the country can be defined between those who want a Pakistani state responsible to its people and fulfilling its international obligations and those who do not want change.

Pakistan is not ready to break with the past and change from the closed society to a dynamic democratic state giving people social and political freedom. The roots of irresponsible behavior can be traced back to early phase of Pakistan when some rulers saw the dreams of foisting Pakistani flag on the Red Fort of Delhi and conquering Kashmir. They argued that we are the followers of one religion (Islam), live in one country (Pakistan) and belong to one nation (Pakistani); therefore, we should have one national language (Urdu). This so-called oneness did not work. The country lost the eastern wing and weakness of the current state. Actually, Pakistan was never to be a monolithic state. The autonomy for federating units was envisaged in the landmark Pakistan Resolution in 1940, democracy was promised by Quiad-i-Azam in 1947 and the control of resources by abolishing the Concurrent List in 1973. But this did not happen. Even concepts put forward before the creation of Pakistan seem to be a huge drag and the country descending in chaos day by day. Under the Islamized policy, Gen Zia dragged the country into the Afghan imbroglio. Pakistan’s Constitution never allowed armed groups other than the Pakistan Army but we saw mushrooming of jihadi militias. The single-minded policy of Zia brought weapons, drugs and sectarianism in the country.

The jihadi thinking caused wrapping up of post-Zia civilian governments and now shaking the foundation of the country. Sindh contributes 70 per cent cash to the federation, 71 per cent gas, 56 per cent oil and 90 per cent coal. Yet Sindhis are the poorest of the poor in Pakistan. There are millions of aliens living in Sindh. They had migrated from different countries of South Asia and abandoned their passports immediately after arrival. They are staying in Sindh in violation of the Liaquat-Nehru Pact and Pakistan
Control and Entry Act 1951.They keep demanding that more and more Urdu-speaking people from India and Bangladesh be brought into Sindh to increase their numbers.

These so-called "stranded Pakistanis" are to be brought to Pakistan because they stood for some 'ideology' and helped Pakistani military in the Bengali genocide in the former East Pakistan. First of all, there are no 'Pakistanis' in Bangladesh because after Dec 16, 1971, all East Pakistanis, including the Urdu-speaking people, had automatically become Bangladeshis, the citizens of a new country.

If we accept for a while that the repatriation of the Urdu-speaking people of the then East Pakistan is required under an ideology, then what if the entire population of Bangladesh, unfortunately, decides to be “stranded” and demands the repatriation to Pakistan. Will they be given Pakistani nationality? After all the Bengalese had founded the Muslim League in 1906 and scarified a lot for the creation of Pakistan. Those favoring more migration are particularly insensitive that the settlement of the outsiders would convert Sindhis into a minority who already had been marginalized in all walks of life.

The fact is that there was no mention of any ideology-related migration on the agenda of partition because the All-India Muslim League had worked for the achievement of two objectives. One was the creation of Pakistan, comprising Muslim majority areas, and the other was security of the Muslims in India. “That in other parts of India where the Mussalmans are in a minority, adequate, effective, and mandatory safeguards shall be specifically provide in the constitution for them and other minorities for the protection of their religious, cultural, economic, political, administrative and other rights and interests in consultation with them,” demanded the Muslim League in its Madras meeting in 1941.

The Congress and the Muslim League had also guaranteed to the British government before partition that there would be a complete equality to their entire citizen, regardless of their religion, cast and colour. There is not a single Muslim League resolution, demanding accommodation of Muslims living in minority provinces in new home land. If there was, Sindh had not joined Pakistan.

If there was any ideology-inspired migration on the agenda of partition, than why it was banned under the Liaquat-Nehru Pact? The two premiers Jawahar Lal Nehru and Liaqat Ali Khan had signed an accord on March 8, 1950 that in future there would be no cross-border migration and people from the two countries would be permitted to cross the borders only after issuing of visa.

Thus those entered Pakistan, either its western and eastern wing, are illegal immigrants and their stay is punishable under the Pakistan (Control and Entry) Act.

It was unfortunate that March 23, 1940 resolution was not enforced in Pakistan which clearly mentions that there would be “sovereign” and “autonomous” federating units in the country. Because of there were anti-Muslim riots which compelled the Muslims to migrate Pakistan in 1947, therefore, the right to return of the Indian Muslims displaced at the time of partition could also be utilized.

The Biharis could be sent to their land of origin. Prime Minister Morarji Desai is on record to have confirmed the above position formally offering all such Indians Muslims freedom to return to India from Pakistan if they so wished. The dispossessed people around the world, especially Palestinians, are fighting for their right to return to their land. No one points out how the Quaid-i-Azam’s decision “Urdu and Urdu alone will be the state language of Pakistan” had not been enforced by the then government of Prime Minister Liaqat Ali Khan. Mr. Khan had not only declared Urdu as official but national language of Pakistan. His government virtually ignored other languages of Pakistan.

The Quaid-i-Azam had never said that Bengali, Sindhi, Punjabi, Pushto and Seraiki can not become official or national language of the country. The fact is that Urdu-speaking people of Bangladesh were opposed to Benagli as a national language and Bengali empowerment. Therefore, they sided with the army. If they had supported the Bengalese perhaps they would not have been landed in trouble.
In retrospect, the policy of one language and two-nations not only caused break-up of the country but also promoted obscurantism and extremism. When Pakistan came into being on the basis of the two nation theory, it was pretended that the one language policy would also keep binding the one Muslim nation. The priviligentsia based its historical knowledge on textbooks mainly written by paid historians who borrowed nebulous concepts and euphoric doctrinaire. They undermined culture, language and society of areas comprising Pakistan. Soon after the promotion of one language and suppression of others created rivalries and hatred among the people. The situation took ugly turn when the Biharis collaborated with the army to forestall the Bengali renaissance. Making of Pakistan did not mean the destruction of languages, culture and society of any group of people.

There are fears among the Sindhis that coming of more aliens would increase problems of already volatile Sindh. In Sindh, the Sindhi-Mohajir rift originated in the far-off days when Karachi was put under federal control despite the unanimous resolution of the Sindhi Assembly opposing the move.

It is time to learn from the East Pakistan tragedy and review the untruths of history. We must see that two theories in post-partition South Asia have left far-reaching consequences. The policy of following one language caused break-up of Pakistan in 1971 and backing of the two-nation theory promoted obscurantism and extremism. When this country came into being it was pretended that one language policy will bind people. But this myth was broken in 1971. Cultural manipulation and the policy of promoting one language and suppression of others created rivalries among people. The successive governments ignored the fact that the country was home to religious minorities who were given guarantee by the Qauid-i-Azam in these words: "You are free; you are free to go your mosques and to any other place of worship in this state of Pakistan. You may belong to any religion or cast and creed that have nothing to do with the business of the state....."The establishment under one-religion policy supported each and every Muslim movement across the globe. When the concepts of fluidity and hybridity were being promoted the world over the government here actively engaged the country in Afghanistan and Kashmir only to get out of the frying pan into the fire.

It was this policy under which the rulers disassociated themselves from the rich past of the country which inherited the Indus valley civilization. They started tracing their roots to the Middle East and Central Asia.While not a single country from the region supported Pakistan’s Kashmir policy. No Arab country condemned the pogrom of Muslims in Gujarat. The historian dignified Muslim League leaders who were referred by the Quaid-i-Azam as "fake coins in his pocket".

Misguided by the untruths of history that it is okay to go to Pakistan and settle in Sindh. The government even breached the promises made by the Muslim League to Sindhi Muslims that they would be empowered after Pakistan had come into being. Alienation of Sindhis began at this juncture, which provides a ready ground for Sindhi nationalism.

It was stipulated later by the vested interests as pointed out by Dawn’s former editor, Mr Altaf Gauhar. He says: "The Mohajirs had taken over the whole of Karachi, the Punjab officials had acquired large tracts of barrage lands and the Pathans had acquired a monopoly of all transport and construction business. Choudhry Mohammad Ali (the then prime minister) thought these worries were all unnecessary because his government in the 1950s had foreseen the problem and had planned the inductions of Mohajirs into Karachi and other major towns of Sindh to forestall Sindhi nationalism". (Ayub Khan: Pakistan’s First Military Ruler, pp-466-467) Some nationalist groups see Sindh’s volatile nature in this notion. They say if the migration had not been engineered by the Punjab-dominated establishment, perhaps there would have been no conflict and violence. The fact is that in the future there would be a Bangladesh-like conflict in the country particularly in Sindh where most of the Urdu-speaking people live. Only a prudent handling of the conflict could save Sindh.

About the author: Manzoor Chandio works for Daily Dawn, leading English newspaper in Pakistan. His basic credo is to help the poor and the down trodden to remove a sense of alienation like powerlessness, hopelessness and voicelessness from them. He believes that no country can make progress if there is no role for each and every individual to play in society. Manzoor Chandio’s dedication to become an established journalist enabled him to continue growing writing abilities while engaged at the same time in a full-time job. Besides, being a working journalist, he has written articles for various English dailies, including Dawn, and vernacular dailies.

سي جي ڪئنال ۽ سنڌ حڪومت جي حيران ڪندڙ ڪارڪردگي : قربان بلوچ

پنجاب جي نمائندگي ڪندڙ ارسا جي وقتي چيئرمين شفقت مسعود جي 6-جولاءِ تي هڪ طرفي جاري ڪيل حڪم تي واپڊا پاران عملدرآمد ڪري تڪراري چشما- جهلم لنڪ ڪئنال کولي 10 هزار ڪيوسڪ پاڻي کڻت تي سنڌ سراپا احتجاج بڻيل آهي. ارسا جي وقتي چيئرمين جي غير قانوني طرح ارسا ايڪٽ جي خلاف صادر ڪيل حڪم، جنهن تي عملدرآمد شروع آهي، تنهن خلاف سنڌ حڪومت وفاقي حڪومت کي ساڳئي ڏينهن کان دانهون ڏيڻ جو سلسلو شروع ڪيو آهي، جنهن کان تدارڪ هميشه ٻٻرن کان ٻير گهرڻ برابر رهيو آهي. سي جي لنڪ ڪئنال پنجاب پاران سنڌ ۽ وفاق جي ميمبرن جي مخالفت باوجود  کولڻ واري عمل جي پسمنظر ۾ وڃڻ جي ضرورت آهي، جنهن ۾ سنڌ توڙي وفاق ۾ پ پ جي طرز حڪمراني تي به نظر ڦيرائڻ جي ضرورت آهي. هتي گڊ گورننس ته پري جي ڳالهه آهي، پر معمول واري گورننس جا حال به پورا آهن. صورتحال اها آهي ته هاڻي اها ڳالهه به ميڊيا، خاص ڪري سنڌي ميڊيا جي ذميواري ۾ شامل ٿي وئي آهي ته اها سنڌ جي حڪمرانن کي آگاهي ڏئي ته ساڻن ڪهڙي ويڌن ڪئي پئي وڃي. هن سال پهرين اپريل کان شروع ٿيل 6 ماهي خريف سيزن لاءِ ارسا جي ايڊوائيزري ڪاميٽي ۾ خريف سيزن دوران پاڻي ورڇ عرصي کانپوءِ 1991ع واري ٺاهه جي پيرا-2 تحت ڪرڻ جو اعلان ڪيو ويو هو، جنهن تي فقط ٻه هفتا عمل ٿي سگهيو، جنهن بعد تاريخي حصي تحت ورڇ واري فارمولي (جنهن فارمولي کي 2003ع ۾ ٽه رخي فارمولي جو نالو ڏنو ويو هو) تحت صوبن ۾ پاڻي ورڇ جو عمل شروع ڪيو ويو، جنهن جي شاهدي ارسا جا 30 جون تي جاري ڪيل واٽر اڪائونٽ ڏين ٿا، پر حيرت جي ڳالهه اها آهي ته ان سموري عرصي ۾ سنڌ حڪومت توڙي ان جي نمائندن، جيڪي ميڊيا ۾ صوبي سان ڪنهن زيادتي جي نشاندهي ڪرڻ تي اخبارن جا پنا به ڪارا ڪن ٿا ته، ڪيمرا تي وڌ کان وڌ وقت وٺڻ جي مقابلي کان باز نٿا اچن، تن ارسا يا پنهنجي آبپاشي کاتي کان پڇا نه ڪئي آهي ته آخر ايڊوائيزري ڪاميٽي جي فيصلي باوجود پاڻي ورڇ 1991ع واري ٺاهه تحت ڇو نٿي ٿئي؟
ان کانپوءِ ٻئي مرحلي ۾ مئي ۽ جون مهينن دوران ساڳئي سنڌي ميڊيا چشما کان تونسا توڙي تونسا کان گڊو تائين 40 کان 50 هزار ڪيوسڪ پاڻي لاسز ۽ ان جو ڪارڻ سنڌو دريا جي ڪنارن تي پنجاب جي حدن ۾ هزارين لفٽ مشينون هڻي پاڻي چورائڻ جي مسلسل نشاندهي ڪئي، پر ڪنهن سنڌ حڪومت جي ڪابينا ميمبر يا چونڊيل ميمبر جي ڪنن تي جونءِ به نه سري. ڀلا ڪنهن حڪومتي نمائندي کي ان جي ڳڻتي هجي به ڇو؟ پ پ جي حڪومت ۾ ان جي وڏيرن ۽ جاگيردارن کي پاڻي نه ملي، اهو ته ممڪن ناهي، باقي خلق خدا رڙيون ڪري ته ڀل ڪري، جن کان چونڊن ۾ ووٽ وٺڻ لاءِ شهيد بينظير ڀٽو جي شهادت واري قرباني جو پتو ڪافي آهي. سنڌ جي پاڻي ۽ ناڻي  مامري تي ميڊيا جي هاءِ گهوڙا کانسواءِ پ پ جا نمائندا ڪن ڏين به ڇو؟ ڇو ته انهن وٽ ته وزارتون ۽ صلاحڪاريون وٺڻ لاءِ هلندڙ مقابلي واري ڪرت کانسواءِ ٻين مامرن لاءِ ته وقت ئي ناهي.
ان کانپوءِ اچي ٿو مرحلو پنجاب پاران تڪراري سي جي لنڪ ڪئنال کولرائڻ جي ڪوشش جو. ان حوالي سان سنڌ حڪومت جي اختيار ڪيل حڪمت عملي جي تعريف ڪرڻ کان رهي نٿو سگهجي. پنجاب حڪومت طرفان سي جي لنڪ ڪئنال کولرائڻ جون ڪوششون هلندڙ سال مئي مهيني ۾ شروع ڪيون ويون، جنهن لاءِ قانوني طور تڪراري ڪئنال کولرائڻ لاءِ ارسا ۾ هر ممڪن ڪوششون ڪيون ويون، پر جڏهن اتي مامرو سنڌ جي صوبائي نمائندي، وفاق توڙي بلوچستان جي نمائندن جي مخالفت سبب حل ٿي نه سگهيو ته پنجاب جو اٿارٽي ۾ نمائندو رُسي وڃي لاهور ويٺو، جتان کان سي جي لنڪ ڪئنال کولڻ جي سموري حڪمت عملي تيار ڪئي وئي. پنجاب حڪومت حڪمت عملي تحت ارسا ۾ وفاق جي ميمبر تي سنڌي هئڻ جا الزام هڻي کيس جهڪائي پنهنجي پاسي ڪرڻ جي مهم هلائي، جنهن جي دفاع ۾ نه سنڌ حڪومت ۽ نه وري وفاق ۾ پ پ جي ڪنهن نمائندي ٻڙڪ ڪڍي. پنجاب حڪومت کي چپ ڪرائڻ جي ڪوشش نه ڪئي ويئي، ته هي ڇا پيا چئو؟ ڇا ڪڏهن ڪنهن سنڌي چيو ته ارسا ۾ بلوچستان جو ميمبر پنجابي آهي؟ ڇو ته پ پ جي نمائندن وٽ اهڙن مامرن لاءِ ڪو وقت ناهي.
پنجاب حڪومت فقط ارسا ۾ وفاق جي نمائندن کي سنڌي هئڻ جا الزام هڻي جهڪائڻ ۽ ڪڍرائڻ جي ڪوشش تي بس نه ڪئي، پر اٽڪل انهيءَ وقت جڏهن پنجاب جو ميمبر سي جي لنڪ ڪئنال کولڻ جي ارسا طرفان اجازت نه ملڻ تي رُسامو ڪري لاهور ۾ وڃي ويٺو هو، ان وقت پنجاب حڪومت باضابطه طور وفاقي حڪومت کي هڪ ليٽر لکي ارسا جي جوڙجڪ تبديل ڪرڻ جو مطالبو ڪيو هو، جنهن ۾ ارسا ۾ وفاق جي نمائندي جي سنڌ مان نامزدگي يا مقرري وارو عمل ختم ڪري ماضي جيان ملڪ جي ٻئي ڪنهن حصي مان مقرر ڪرڻ جو مطالبو ڪيو، ته جيئن ماضي جيان سنڌ کانسواءِ ملڪ جي ٻئي ڪنهن حصي مان مقرر ٿيندڙ وفاق جي نمائندي کي پنهنجي گرفت ۾ رکي  خواهش تحت ارسا مان فيصلا ڪرائي سگهجن. پنجاب حڪومت جي اهڙي ڪوشش جي شايد سنڌ حڪومت جي ڪنهن ذميوار کي خبر به نه هجي ۽ خبر تڏهن پوندي، جڏهن پنجاب اهو سڀ ڪجهه ڪرائڻ ۾ ڪامياب ويندو، پوءِ سنڌ جي حڪمرانن جو ساڳيو موقف سامهون ايندو ته پنجاب سان ڳالهين ۽ مفاهمت ذريعي ان مسئلي کي حل ڪيو ويندو.
سي جي لنڪ ڪئنال کولڻ جو پيغام ته پنجاب جي رُسي ويل نمائندي شفقت مسعود ان وقت ارسا ۾ جون جي ٻئي هفتي ۾ واپسي وقت اهو چئي ڏئي ڇڏيو هو ته پنجاب وارا شينهن آهن ۽ اهي پنهنجو حق هر صورت ۾ وٺي رهندا. پنجاب جي نمائندي اهڙي ڳالهه اٿارٽي ۾ سنڌ ۽ ٻين نمائندن جي منهن تي چئي هئي، جيڪا سنڌي ميڊيا ۾ رپورٽ ٿي پر وري به ڪنهن سنڌ جي نمائندي جي ڪن تي جونءِ نه سري.
پنجاب حڪومت ارسا ۾ وفاق جي نمائندي کي سنڌي هئڻ ناتي بدنام ڪرڻ باوجود جهڪائي نه سگهڻ کانپوءِ وفاقي حڪومت جي مداخلت تي سي جي لنڪ ڪئنال کولرائڻ لاءِ پارليامينٽرين جي مداخلت وارو رستو اختيار ڪيو، جنهن جي روشني ۾ پنجاب جي ڏاکڻي حصي يعني سرائيڪي پٽيءَ سان واسطو رکندڙ ڪجهه ايم اين ايز جو  پاڻي ۽ بجلي واري وفاقي وزير راجا پرويز اشرف جي صدارت ۾ اجلاس منعقد ڪرايو ويو ته جيئن مستقبل ۾ سي جي لنڪ ڪئنال کي کولڻ کان اڳ سنڌ جي ايوان ۾ پاڻي مامرن تي ڳالهائيندڙ هڪ ٻن ايم اين اي کي ٿڌو ڪري سگهجي ۽ ائين ئي ٿيو. جيتوڻيڪ پ پ جي سنڌ جي نمائندن جي مخالفت سبب ان اجلاس ۾ ته سي جي لنڪ ڪئنال کولڻ جو فيصلو ته نه ٿي سگهيو، پر مستقبل ۾ اهڙي عمل لاءِ ماحول ضرور سازگار بڻايو ويو. ان کانپوءِ ساڳي حڪمت عملي تحت ارسا ۾ خيبر پختونخوا جي ميمبر امان گل خٽڪ، جيڪو اٿارٽي جو چيئرمين پڻ هو، تنهن کي پهرين جذباتي ڪري موڪل تي وڃڻ ۽ پوءِ استعيفيٰ ڏيڻ تي مجبور ڪيو ويو. ان کانپوءِ 29 جون تي سي جي لنڪ ڪئنال کولڻ جي مخالفت ۾ ووٽ ڏيندڙ بلوچستان جي نمائندي چوڌري محمد امين کي 6 هفتن جي ڊگهي موڪل تي موڪليو ويو ۽ ان کانپوءِ سنڌ ميمبر جي موڪل تي وڃڻ جو فائدو وٺندي پنجاب جي نمائندگي ڪندڙ ارسا جي وقتي چيئرمين شفقت مسعود کي وقتي چيئرمين جي ذميواري خيبر پختونخوا جي نمائندگي ڪندڙ چيئرمين امان گل خٽڪ موڪل تي وڃڻ دوران ڏني. جنهن مان سموري حڪمت عملي جا ڌاڳا پاڻ ۾ ملن ٿا. 6 جولاءِ تي پنجاب جي نمائندگي ڪندڙ ارسا چيئرمين شفقت مسعود سنڌ ميمبر جي غير موجودگي جو فائدو وٺندي، پهرين وفاق جي ميمبر بشير احمد ڏهر کي سي جي لنڪ ڪئنال کي کولڻ جي اجازت ڏيڻ تي راضي ڪرڻ جي ڪوشش ڪئي، پر ان جي راضي نه ٿيڻ تي نه فقط سندس آفيس ۾ کيس ڌمڪيون ڏنيون، پر ساڻس تلخ ڪلامي ڪري هڪ حڪمت عملي تحت استعيفيٰ ڏيڻ تي مجبور ڪيو ويو. جڏهن ارسا جي وقتي چيئرمين جي اختيار ڪيل اڳرائي واري رويي سبب وفاق جو نمائندو آفيس مان گهر هليو ويو ته وقتي چيئرمين اڪيلي سر واپڊا کي سي جي لنڪ ڪئنال کولڻ ۽ ان لاءِ  10 هزار ڪيوسڪ پاڻي فراهمي جون هدايتون جاري ڪيون، جنهن تي عملدرآمد شروع ڪيو ويو.
جيتوڻيڪ ارسا جي وقتي چيئرمين طرفان اڪيلي سر سي جي لنڪ کولڻ لاءِ واپڊا کي حڪم صادر ڪرڻ جي خبر به سنڌ حڪومت کي ميڊيا ذريعي پئي. ان تي صوبائي حڪومت جو ردعمل يقيني طور حيران ڪندڙ آهي. هيڏي ساري هاڃي تي سنڌ حڪومت جي ردعمل تي پنهنجي طرفان ڪجهه چوڻ بجاءِ سنڌ جي آبپاشي وزير سيد مراد علي شاهه طرفان پاڻي ۽ بجلي واري وفاقي وزير راجا پرويز اشرف کي لکيل ٻن صفحن تي ٻڌل خط جو غور سان جائزوو ٺجي ته بهتر آهي. شاهه صاحب وفاقي وزير کي موڪليل خط ۾ پاڻ ڄاڻائي ٿو ته، 6 جولاءِ تي شام جو دير سان اڪيلي سر سي جي لنڪ ڪئنال کولڻ جا حڪم جاري ڪيا ويا، جيڪي غير قانوني آهن. هو وفاق کي لکيل خط ۾ ساڻس مخاطب ٿي چوي ٿو ته، ”اوهان کي ساڳئي ڏينهن شام جو رابطو ڪري عرض ڪيو ويو ته واپڊا، جيڪا انتظامي طور پاڻي ۽ بجلي واري وزارت جي ڪنٽرول ۾ آهي، کيس ارسا جي وقتي چيئرمين جي سي جي لنڪ ڪئنال کولڻ واري غير قانوني فيصلي تي عملدرآمد کان روڪيو، پر بدقسمتي سان ائين نه ٿيو ۽ واپڊا عملدرآمد شروع ڪري ڇڏيو.“ حقيقت ته اها آهي ته ارسا جي وقتي چيئرمين 6  جولاءِ تي سي جي لنڪ ڪئنال کولڻ جو حڪم ڏنو. ٻئي ڏينهن 7 جولاءِ تي کيس پاڻي ۽ بجلي واري وفاقي وزارت ۾ گهرايو ويو، جتي هن وزارت جي وفاقي سيڪريٽري شاهد رفيع سان ملاقات ڪئي، جتي سمورا مامرا طئي ڪيا ويا. ان کانپوءِ ارسا جي وقتي چيئرمين، وفاقي وزير راجا پرويز اشرف جي گهر پهتو، جتي طئي ڪيو ويو ته سي جي لنڪ ڪئنال کولڻ واري ارسا جي وقتي چيئرمين جي فيصلي جي وضاحت ٿيڻ گهرجي ۽ ان وضاحت واري پڌرائي به انهيءَ اجلاس ۾ تيار ڪئي وئي، جيڪا بعد ۾ اٿارٽي جي آفيس مان سادي ڪاغذ تي، ڪنهن ميمبر جي منظوري کانسواءِ جاري ڪيو ويو. شاهه صاحب کي عرض آهي ته جنهن وفاقي وزير کي اوهان 6  جولاءِ تي دانهن ڏني ته ان 7 جولاءِ تي وقتي چئيرمين جي ڪيل فيصلي جي وضاحت جاري ڪري فيصلي کي جسٽيفاءِ ڪرڻ جي سند ڏني، ته ان وفاقي وزير کي 8 جولاءِ تي ٻن صفحن تي ٻڌل خط لکي ٻيهر واپڊا کي سي جي لنڪ ڪئنال تي پاڻي فراهميءَ کان روڪڻ ۽ ارسا جي وقتي چيئرمين خلاف ڪارروائي ڪرڻ جي استدعا ڪرڻ گهٽ ۾ گهٽ اسان جهڙن عام ماڻهن جي سمجهه کان ضرور ٻاهر آهي.
سنڌ جي آبپاشي واري وزير مراد علي شاهه جي وفاقي وزير کي خط لکڻ کانپوءِ صوبي جي چيف ايگزيڪيوٽو سيد قائم علي شاهه ساڳئي قسم جو خط وزير اعظم کي لکيو، جنهن جو تدارڪ اهو ٿيو ته وزير اعظم سي جي لنڪ ڪئنال تي هفتي تائين پاڻي کڻڻ جو موقعو فراهم ڪندي ايندڙ اڱاري تي اجلاس گهرايو آهي. سنڌ حڪومت جي نمائندن جي عقل جو دنگ اتي به نه ٿيو، انهن هڪ ٻيو جيڪو قدم کنيو، ان ته اسان جهڙن عام ماڻهن جو مٿو ئي ڦيرائي ڇڏيو. هڪ طرف سنڌ حڪومت چوي ٿي ته سنڌ ۾ پاڻي کوٽ آهي، فصل نه پيا ٿين، تنهن ڪري مهرباني ڪري تڪراري سي جي لنڪ ڪئنال نه کوليو، ته ٻئي ارسا جي وقتي چيئرمين جي سي جي لنڪ ڪئنال کولڻ واري غير قانوني فيصلي جي ٻئي ڏينهن ڪوٽڙي ڊائون اسٽريم لاءِ ڪجهه سئو ڪيوسڪ پاڻي جاري پنجاب ۽ ٻين کي اهو موقعو ڏنو ويو ته اهي اهو چئي سي جي لنڪ ڪئنال کولڻ کي جسٽيفاءِ ڪن ته سنڌ ۾ پاڻي کوٽ ختم ٿي وئي، هاڻي ته پاڻي اضافي آهي، تنهن ڪري ته سنڌ حڪومت ڊائون اسٽريم ڪوٽڙي ۾ پاڻي جاري ڪري ڇڏيو. جيتوڻيڪ ڪوٽڙي ڊائون اسٽريم ۾ پاڻي جاري ڪرڻ پڇڙي وارن جو حق آهي، پر ڪڏهن ڪي فيصلا يا عمل مخالف کي موقعو نه ڏيڻ لاءِ وقت سر مناسب حالتن ۾ ڪرڻ ئي بهتر هوندو آهي.
The Kawish Group of Publication
B/2 Civil Line  Hyderabad,Sindh Pakistan.
Phone:+92 (22) 2780026 begin_of_the_skype_highlighting              +92 (22) 2780026      end_of_the_skype_highlighting,2780027,2780525   Fax: +92 (22) 2780772, 2781167
Email:   ---- 

ارسا" هڪ مفلوج ادارو" : ايم بي ابڙو

وزيراعظم يوسف رضا گيلانيءَ چشما لنڪ بئراج کي غير قانوني طور تي کولڻ خلاف نوٽيس وٺندي سنڌ جي نمائندي ۽ وفاق جي نمائندي جن ٻنهي جو تعلق سنڌ سان آهي، بشير ڏهر ۽ محمد خان ميمڻ جون استعيفائون واپس وٺڻ لاءِ زور ڀريو آهي، جڏهن ته وقتي چيئرمين شفقت مسعود کي غير قانوني طور تي چشما لنڪ ڪئنال کولڻ تي عهدي تان لاهي ڇڏيو آهي ۽ هاڻي هو صرف پنجاب جي نمائندي طور تي ڪم ڪندو رهندو. اهڙو فيصلو پڻ تمام گهڻي بحث مباحثي کان پوءِ ڪيو ويو، هڪ لمحي ته ملڪ جو وزيراعظم سيد يوسف رضا گيلاني هلندڙ اجلاس مان ڪاوڙجي اٿي هليو ويو ۽ هدايتون ڏيندي چيو ته چئني صوبن جا وزير اعليٰ گڏجي ويهي هي معاملو حل ڪن، ٻه اجلاس وزيراعظم جي موجودگي ۾ ٿيا پر ڪو به کڙ تيل نه نڪتو، ايئن ٽيون اجلاس آبپاشي وزيرن جو ٿيو جنهن اجلاس ۾ اهو طئي ڪيو ويو ته چشما لنڪ بئراج سنڌ جي مرضيءَ کان سواءِ نه ٿو کولي سگهجي ۽ وقتي چيئرمين شفقت مسعود جو ڪيل فيصلو سراسر غلط هو تنهن ڪري ان کي ارسا جي چيئرمين شپ تان هٽايو وڃي، افسوس جهڙي ڳالهه اها آهي جو جنهن ماڻهو پنهنجي غلط فيصلي سان باقي ٻين صوبن جي زراعت کي تباهه و برباد ڪرڻ جي ڪوشش ڪئي ۽ سنڌ صوبي جي حصي جو 67 هزار ڪيوسڪ پاڻي غير قانوني طور تي کڻي پنجاب کي فائدو ڏنو، ان کي بجاءِ ڪنهن وڏي سزا جي صرف ۽ صرف چيئرمين شپ تان هٽائي ان کي ارسا ۾ پنجاب صوبي جو نمائندو مقرر ڪيو آهي، پنجاب هميشه ڏاڍ ۽ زور تي سنڌ جي حصي جي پاڻيءَ تي ڌاڙا هنيا آهن، اهو ئي سبب آهي جو سنڌ جون زمينون سڪي خشڪ ٿي ويون آهن ۽ ٻئي طرف وري پنجاب صوبي ۾ هميشه ”بمپر“ فصل لهندا آهن، هتي سوال اهو ٿو پيدا ٿئي ته سنڌ جي حصي جو چورايل پاڻي 67 هزار ڪيوسڪ پنجاب جي حصي مان واپس ڪٽي ڏنو وڃي پر اهڙي جرئت شايد سنڌ جي حڪمرانن ۾ نه آهي، هن وقت ملڪ جو صدر صاحب پڻ سنڌ صوبي سان تعلق رکي ٿو ان کان علاوه ٽنهي صوبن ۾ حڪومت پڻ پاڪستان پيپلز پارٽيءَ جي آهي پوءِ به سنڌ جي پاڻيءَ تي ڌاڙا لڳندا هجن ته پوءِ آخر اسان ڪڏهن ۽ ڪهڙي ٽائيم پنهنجي حصي جو پاڻي وٺي سگهنداسين، جنهن جو جواب ته شايد چونڊيل نمائنده ئي ڏئي سگهن پر تاريخ ٻڌائي ٿي ته جنهن ڏينهن کان اسين هن ملڪ پاڪستان ۾ شامل ٿيا آهيون ان ڏينهن کان وٺي سنڌ صوبي جي پاڻيءَ تي ڌاڙا لڳڻ شروع ٿي ويا آهن، پنجاب پنهنجا ٽي درياهه انڊيا کي کپائي ڏنا ۽ هاڻي لٺ کڻي سنڌو درياهه تي بيهي رهيا آهن ته هي پاڻي اسان جو آهي ۽ اسان جي مرضي آهي ته ڪيترو به پاڻي کڻون. ٻئي طرف وري انڊيا آهي جيڪو سنڌ طاس معاهدي جي کلئي نموني ڀڃڪڙي ڪري رهيو آهي ۽ ڊيمن جي مٿان ڊيم ٺاهي رهيو آهي ۽ پنجاب صوبي جي ٽن درياهن جهلم، راوي ۽ چناب جيڪي مقبوضه ڪشمير مان ايندڙ پاڻيءَ سان ڀربا آهن، انهن ٽنهي درياهن جي پاڻيءَ کي روڪرائڻ لاءِ ڊيم ٺاهي رهيو آهي، جن ۾ بگهليار ڊيم، گنگا ڪشن ڊيم ۽ وولم ڊيم شامل آهن. انهيءَ کان علاوه به ٻيا ڪيترائي ڊيم ٺاهڻ لاءِ ڪوششون ڪري رهيو آهي پر پاڪستان حڪومت سنڌ طاس معاهدي جي کلم کلا ڀڃڪڙي تي خاموش تماشائيءَ وارو ڪردار ادا ڪري رهيو آهي ۽ بنا ڪنهن فڪر جي خاموش آهي، جڏهن ته سنڌ پاڻي جي جائز حصي گهرڻ تي سراپا احتجاج بڻجي پيو وڃي. سنڌ کي 1991ع واري ٺاهه موجب جيڪو پڻ نواز شريف جي دور حڪومت ۾ طئي ڪيو ويو هو ۽ 1991ع ٺاهه موجب سنڌ جي ڪوٽڙي ڊائون اسٽريم لاءِ 10 ملين فوٽ پاڻي مقرر ڪيو ويو هو، جنهن جو مقصد سمنڊ جي پاڻيءَ کي اڳتي اچڻ کان روڪڻ هو ۽ تمر جي ٻيلن کي قائم رکڻ لاءِ مٺي پاڻيءَ جو بندوبست ڪرڻ هو. ان کان علاوه آبي جيوت توڙي اتي رهندڙ ماڻهن کي صاف ۽ مٺو پاڻي ڏيڻ هو پر افسوس جو هن عوامي حڪومت جي هوندي جيڪي پاڻ کي سنڌ جا وارث سڏرائي رهيا آهن، گذريل اڍائي سالن ۾ 1991ع جي معاهدي تي عمل ڪرائي نه سگهيا آهن، صرف سکڻا دلاسا ۽ آسرا ڏئي ٽائيم پورو ڪري رهيا آهن ٻئي طرف وري انهن جا نمائندا چئنلن تي ويهي چون ٿا ته سنڌ ۾ پاڻيءَ جو ڪو به بحران نه آهي ۽ سنڌ جا فصل بمپر فصل ٿي لهندا، ٺيڪ ٻئي ڏينهن تي ارسا جي چونڊيل دستوري ميمبر عبدالرقيب چارج سنڀالڻ کان هڪدم پوءِ چشما لنڪ بئراج کولڻ جو حڪم ڏنو ۽ اڳ ۾ 13000 هزار ڪيوسڪ چورايو پيو ويو پر هن جي اچڻ سان 15000 هزار ڪيوسڪ پاڻي چشما لنڪ بئراج ۾ ڇڏيو ويو آهي، جڏهن هن کان پڇيو ويو ته چشما لنڪ بئراج سنڌ جي اجازت کان سواءِ نه وهائڻو آهي ته هن چيو ته انهن جي اجازت کان پوءِ اهو لنڪ کوليو اٿئون هاڻي خبر نه آهي ته انهن ڪهڙن سنڌ جي نمائندن کان اجازت ورتي آهي جن احتجاجن استعيفائون ڏنيون آهن اهي ڪيئن اجازت ڏيندا اهي ڳالهيون سمجهه کان بالاتر آهن، جيڪڏهن سنڌ جا نمائندا چشما لنڪ ڪئنال بئراج کولرائڻ لاءِ راضي هئا ته پوءِ ٽائيم زيان ڪرڻ جي يا استعيفائون ڏيڻ جي ڪهڙي ڳالهه هئي بهرحال ڳالهه سنئين سڌي آهي ته زور اڳيان زاري آهي، سنڌ جا چونڊيل نمائندا هن وقت وفاق جي لولي پاپ اڳيان خاموش آهن ۽ صدر صاحب سڀ سَي پهلَي پاڪستان واري فارمولي تي عمل ڪندي سنڌ جي عوام جي احتجاج کي پٺي ڏئي بيهي رهيو آهي، هڪ طرف سنڌ جا فصل گهٽ پاڻيءَ سبب سڪي رهيا آهن، سنڌ جو عوام سڙيل ٻيجارو کڻي روڊن ۽ رستن تي سراپا احتجاج آهن ۽ بک، بدحالي سبب ٻچا کپائي رهيا آهن، نوجوان نوڪريون نه ملڻ سبب خودڪشيون ڪري رهيا آهن، ڪي مجبور انسان گڙدا ۽ جگر جا ٽڪرا کپائڻ لاءِ چونڪن تي سرعام هوڪا ڏئي رهيا آهن سنڌ جا هاري مسلسل 50 سالن کان پاڻيءَ جي هٿرادو قلت سبب پريشان آهن ۽ انهن سوچيو هو ته هي عوامي حڪومت ايندي ئي اسان جا مسئلا حل ٿي ويندا، بيروزگارن کي روزگار ملندو ۽ سڪي ويل خشڪ زمينن کي پاڻي ملندو، رهيل قرض لاهي وٺبا پر افسوس جو گذريل اڍائي سالن کان صرف ۽ صرف آسرا ملندا رهيا، پاڻيءَ تي ڌاڙا جيڪي اڳي جنرلن جي حڪومتي دور ۾ لڳندا هئا اهي ڌاڙا هينئر به جاري آهن، پاڻيءَ جي هٿرادو قلت اڳي به ساڳئي هئي ۽ هاڻي به ساڳئي آهي، ماڻهن جون اميدون ۽ خواهشون ٽٽي ڀورا ڀورا ٿي ويون آهن، فل مئنڊيٽ سان چونڊيل نمائندا ۽ انهن جي بي حسي ڏسي وفاق پرستي تان ارواهه ئي کڄي ويو آهي، هن وقت سنڌ پاڻيءَ جي ڦڙي لاءِ تڙپي رهي آهي، سنڌ جون زمينون سڪي رهيون آهن، سنڌ ۾ مردن کي غسل ڏيڻ لاءِ پاڻي ڪو نه ٿو ملي، سنڌ جا هاري وڏيرن جا قرضي بڻايا ويا آهن، ڀاڻ ۽ زرعي دوائن جو مقرض نه ٿو لهي، تنهن ڪري هينئر سنڌ جي چونڊيل نمائندن کي گهرجي ته هو سنڌ جي عوام جي جذبن جو احترام ڪن ۽ پاڻيءَ جي معاملي تي پنجاب سان احتجاج ڪن ۽ پنهنجو ڦريل حق حاصل ڪن ته جيئن سنڌ جا هاري ناري فصل پوکي خوشحال بڻجن، ارسا کي صحيح نموني آزاد ادارو بڻائين.

چشما ڪئنال بند ڪرائڻ ۾ ناڪاميءَ بعد سنڌين کي ڀاشا ڊيم جو تحفو ڏيندڙ پيپلز پارٽي: اسد چانڊيو

سنڌ ۽ سنڌوءَ جي پاڻيءَ تي ميري اک رکي، پنهنجا درياهه ڀارت کي وڪرو ڪندڙ ”ڏاڍي مڙس“ پنجاب”ارسا“ جي سنڌ ۽ وفاق جي ميمبرن جا اعتراض پاڻ ئي رد ڪري ڇڏڻ ۽ وفاق جي نمائندي سان غنڊاگردي بعد زوري کوليل چشما جهلم لنڪ ڪئنال، سنڌي عوام جي زبردست احتجاج جي ڪري، فقط هڪ ڏينهن بند رکڻ بعد، ٻيهر کولي ڇڏيو آهي. ايئن ڪرڻ کان اڳ ”ڏاڍن مڙسن“ ان ڳالهه کي ڏسڻ جي ڪابه ضرورت محسوس ناهي ڪئي، نه وري سنڌين جي نمائندگي ڪندڙ سنڌ حڪومت کين اُها ڳالهه محسوس ڪرائڻ ۾ ڪامياب ٿي سگهي ته، جنهن وقت سنڌ ۾ پاڻي نه هئڻ ڪري، خريف جي فصلن جي پوکائي ناهي ٿي سگهي، سنڌ جا آبادگار ۽ هاري سڪل ٻيجارا کڻي، پنهنجي معاشي تباهيءَ تي روزانو روڊن تي اچي ماتم ڪري رهيا آهن، ان وقت پنجاب پوڇڙ جي زمينن کي سرسبز ڪرڻ لاءِ، چشما جهلم لنڪ ڪئنال کولڻ جو ضد ڪيئن ٿو ڪري سگهي!، ۽ جيڪڏهن اهڙو ضد ڪيو به وڃي ته پوءِ ان کي پورو ڪرڻ جو غير آئيني، غير قانوني ۽ سنڌين جي وات مان مانيءَ جو گرهه کسڻ وارو ڪم ڪيئن ٿو ڪري سگهجي!؟
1972ع ۾ صوبن وچ ۾ پاڻي بابت ٿيل ٺاهه ۾ اهو طئي ڪيو ويو هو ته، چشما جهلم لنڪ ڪئنال ۾ پاڻي فقط ان حالت ۾ ڇڏي سگهبو، جڏهن سنڌ جي ضرورت کان وڌيڪ پاڻي سنڌو درياهه ۾ موجود هوندو، جيئن پنجاب جي پوڇڙ ۾ ٿيندڙ فصلن کي بچائي سگهجي. اهو ڪم مڪمل طور عارضي ۽ تڏهن ڪري سگهڻ جهڙو هوندو، جڏهن سنڌ جي پاڻيءَ جي ضرورت پوري ٿيڻ بعد بaه، سنڌوءَ ۾ اضافي پاڻي موجود هوندو. اڄ جڏهن سنڌو درياهه ۾ سنڌ جون ضرورتون پوريون ڪري سگهڻ جيترو ته ٺهيو پر ايترو پاڻي به موجود نه آهي، جو درياهه جي شروع وارن اتر سنڌ جي ضلعن ۾ فصلن جي پوکائي ته پري رهيو، پر ٻج به پوکي سگهجي، پنجاب کي چشما جهلم لنڪ ڪئنال کولڻ جي اجازت ملي چڪي آهي!
ٻه هفتا اڳ ارسا جي ان وقت جي وقتي چيئرمين شفقت مسعود طرفان جڏهن وفاق جي نمائندي بشير ڏهر سان منهن ماري ۽ ذري گهٽ هٿين پوڻ بعد، ٻئي ڏينهن ئي چشما سميت گريٽر ٿل ڪئنال کولڻ جهڙي ارهه زورائيءَ وارو فيصلو سامهون آيو هو ته، نه رڳو سنڌ حڪومت ان کي سنڌي ماڻهن سان سخت ناانصافي قرار ڏيندي، وفاق سان احتجاج جو اعلان ڪيو پر سنڌ حڪومت ۾ ويٺل وزيرن ۽ صلاحڪارن ان زورآوريءَ جي جواب ۾ پنجاب لاءِ بندرگاهه، گئس ۽ هاءِ ويز بند ڪرڻ جو به چتاءُ ڏنو.
پنجاب جي اهڙي رويي تي هڪ طرف سنڌ جي عوام جي نمائندگي ڪندڙ تنظيمن جا زوردار احتجاج شروع ٿي ويا ته، ٻئي پاسي جيئي سنڌ قومي محاذ جي سڏ تي، پاڻيءَ تي لڳل ان ڌاڙي خلاف سنڌين مڪمل طور پنهنجو ڪاروبار بند رکي، حڪمرانن تي واضح ڪيو ته اهي پاڻيءَ معاملي تي پاڻ سان ٿيندڙ ناانصافين کان نه رڳو باخبر آهن پر ان خلاف آواز اٿارڻ به ڄاڻن ٿا.
ان سڄي صورتحال ۾ جڏهن پنجاب سنڌ جي حقن کي لتاڙي به، پنهنجا مفاد پورا ڪرڻ لاءِ بي نقاب ٿي سامهون اچي چڪو هو، سنڌ حڪومت ۽ سنڌ جي عوام جي آواز ۾ ڪو فرق نظر نه پئي آيو، تڏهن پيپلز پارٽي جي ”بي باڪ“ سڌ سماءَ واري سيڪريٽري فوزيا وهاب پشاور ۾ صحافين سان ڳالهائيندي انڪشاف ڪيو ته: ”سنڌ ۾ پاڻيءَ جي ڪابه کوٽ نه آهي، روڊن ۽ رستن تي احتجاج ڪندڙ سنڌي ڪوڙ پيا ڳالهائين، سنڌ جي زمينن جي بنجر بڻجي وڃڻ جون ڳالهيون نه رڳو ڪوڙيون آهن، پر سنڌ ۾ بمپر فصل به ٿي رهيا آهن، ان باوجود پاڻي نه هئڻ جي اجائي واويلا ڪئي پئي وڃي“.
فوزيا وهاب جي اهڙي موقف جتي سنڌي ماڻهن ۽ انهن جي نمائندگي ڪندڙ مختلف پارٽين کي چيڙائي وڌو، اتي پنهنجي پاڻ کي ڪوڙو ڪوٺيو وڃڻ تي به پيپلز پارٽي سنڌ جي اڳواڻن توڙي حڪمرانن ڪو ردعمل ڏيکارڻ ۽ پنهنجي ئي پارٽيءَ جي سڌ سماءَ واري سيڪريٽري جي غلط فهمي دور ڪرڻ جي ڪابه ڪوشش نه ڪئي،۽ پوءِ جي واقعن ثابت ڪيو ته حڪمران پيپلز پارٽي جي پاڻي معاملي تي پاليسي اها نه آهي، جيڪا اسان قائم علي شاهه، مراد علي شاهه، قيصر بنگالي، نادر مگسي، مخدوم جميل ۽ سسئي پليجو جي واتان ٻڌي رهيا آهيون، ان عوامي پارٽي جي پاليسي اُها آهي جيڪا محترمه فوزيا وهاب صاحبه پشاور ۾ ڏني هئي، يعني پاڻي معاملي تي سنڌي ڪوڙ ڳالهائي، ويچاري پنجاب کي بدنام ڪري رهيا آهن.
وزيراعظم يوسف رضا گيلاني 11 جولاءِ تي ڪراچي آيو، جنهن آڏو پيپلز پارٽي سنڌ جي صدر ۽ وڏي وزير سيد قائم علي شاهه ۽ آبپاشي واري وزير مراد علي شاهه، پنجاب جي زورآوريءَ خلاف جڏهن احتجاج ڪيو ته وزيراعظم صاحب کين هڪ ڏينهن انتظار ڪرڻ جو چئي، ٻئي ئي ڏينهن ٿيندڙ سنڌ ڪابينا جي خاص اجلاس ۾ اهو معاملو کڻڻ جي خاطري ڪرائي، پر ٻئي ڏينهن ڪابينا اجلاس جي هڪ صوبائي وزير طرفان ڏنل بريفنگ ۾ ٻڌايو ويو ته: ”وزيراعظم سنڌ کي چشما جهلم لنڪ ڪئنال زوري کولڻ وارو معاملو کڻڻ کان ئي روڪي ڇڏيو آهي“.
سنڌ سان جاري اهو مذاق اتي ئي پورو نه ٿيو جو، ارسا طرفان چشما جهلم لنڪ ڪئنال کي زوري کولڻ سنڌ سان زيادتي قرار ڏئي، ان کي بند ڪرڻ واري فيصلي تي فقط هڪ ڏينهن عمل ٿي سگهيو ۽ اوچتو ئي اوچتو ارسا ان ڌاڙيل ڪئنال کي ٻيهر کولي پهرئين ڏينهن ئي 15 هزار ڪيوسڪ پاڻي پنجاب کي ڏئي ڇڏيو ۽ ان تي سنڌ حڪومت طرفان ڪو احتجاج جو آواز اٿارڻ بجاءِ وڏي وزير ڪراچي پريس ڪلب ۾ تقريب کي خطاب ڪندي پنهنجي بيوسيءَ ۽ بنا ڪجهه حاصل ڪرڻ جي پنهنجي اڳ واري موقف تان هٿ کڻي اهو انڪشاف ڪيو ته: ”کيس پاڻي ۽ بجلي واري وفاقي وزير راجا پرويز اشرف ٻڌائي ڇڏيو آهي ته، سنڌ کي پنهنجي ضرورت کان وڌيڪ پاڻي ملي رهيو آهي“. وڏي وزير جي ان معصوميت کي ڪهڙو نالو ڏجي جو هن، هر دور ۾ وفاق ۽ پنجاب جي سنڌ سان ٿيندڙ ظلم ۽ ناانصافين ۾ برابر جي شريڪ پاڻي ۽ بجلي واري وفاقي وزارت ۽ ان ۾ پنجاب جي مفادن جي تحفظ لاءِ پاڻ کي وقف ڪري رکيل راجا پرويز اشرف جي ان ڳالهه تي يقين ڪري ڇڏيو ته: ”سنڌ ۾ پاڻي جي کوٽ ناهي رهي، ان کي پنهنجي ضرورت کان به وڌيڪ پاڻي ڏنو پيو وڃي“.
ڪجهه ڏينهن اڳ، پاڻي معاملي تي هڪ موقف پيپلز پارٽي جي ترجمان فوزيا وهاب جو هو ته ٻيو سنڌ جي وڏي وزير قائم علي شاهه جو، جيڪي هڪ ٻئي کان بلڪل ابتڙ ۽ مختلف ماڻهن جي نمائندگي ڪندڙ هئا، اڄ خوش قسمتيءَ سان ٻنهيءَ جو موقف هڪ ٿي چڪو آهي!، اها ٻي ڳالهه آهي ته سنڌ جا هاري ۽ آبادگار اڄ به سڪل ٻيجارا کڻي روڊن تي ماتم ڪري رهيا آهن، آبادگارن جون تنظيمون پاڻي نه ملڻ تي احتجاج جا چتاءُ ڏئي رهيون آهن، سموريون قوم پرست تنظيمون احتجاجي تحريڪن جون تاريخون سامهون آڻي رهيون آهن، پر اسان جي سنڌ حڪومت پنهنجي عوام کي خوش خبري ٻڌائي ڇڏي آهي ته: ”سنڌ ۾ پاڻي هاڻي ضرورت کان به وڌيڪ موجود آهي، راجا پرويز اشرف جي ڳالهه تي اعتبار نه ڪرڻ جو ڪو جواز آهي ئي نه، توهان اڃا به احتجاج جاري رکي، هروڀرو پيا پارٽي ترجمان فوزيا وهاب جي ڳالهه کي صحيح ثابت ڪيو“.
پاڻيءَ جي معاملي ۽ چشما جهلم لنڪ ڪئنال کي زوري کولڻ واري معامري تي اڄ تائين جيڪو ڪجهه ٿيو آهي، لڳي ٿو ته اهو فقط پنجاب جي هٺ ڌرميءَ تي پردو وجهڻ لاءِ هو، پنجاب جي شفقت مسعود، ارسا ميمبرن سان بدتميزي ڪري کين استعيفيٰ ڏيڻ تي مجبور ڪري وڌو هو، سي جي ۽ گريٽر ٿل ڪئنال کي ارسا جي منظوري بنا، ڏنڊي جي زور تي کولڻ واري عمل جو ڪنهن به پليٽ فارم تي دفاع ڪرڻ ممڪن نه هو، ان ڪري وزيراعظم سنڌ حڪومت ۽ ارسا کي استعمال ڪري، کانئن اهو ساڳيو فيصلو ڪرائي ورتو آهي، جنهن جو دفاع پنجاب جي حڪمرانن ۽ وفاقي حڪومت لاءِ ممڪن نه هو. سي جي ڪئنال کي زوري کولڻ بعد ٽن ڏينهن اندر 57 هزارڪيوسڪ پاڻي کنيو ويو هو، هاڻي قانوني گهرجون پوريون ڪرڻ بعد، ان جو وهڪرو روزانو 15 هزار ڪيوسڪ پاڻي آهي. سنڌ ۾ سخت کوٽ دوران سي جي ڪئنال ذريعي لڳايل سنڌ جي پاڻيءَ تي ڌاڙو ڪنهن به صورت ۾ قانوني نٿو ٿي سگهي، چاهي اهو ارسا جي منظوري سان هنيو وڃي يا ان کي به باءِ پاس ڪري ”ڏاڍ مڙسيءَ“ ذريعي.
اسان سنڌ حڪومت ۽ پيپلز پارٽيءَ جي قيادت کان به ڪهڙي شڪايت ڪيون، جيڪا پارٽي ۽ جيڪا حڪومت پنجاب جي طاقتور ڌرين طرفان پيدا ڪيل غنڊن کي منهن ڏيڻ بجاءِ، ساڻن مفاهمت ڪرڻ تي مجبور هجي، اُها خود پنجاب ۽ ان جي مفادن جو تحفظ ڪندڙ سگهارن ادارن ۽ فردن سان ڪيئن ٿي منهن ڏئي سگهي!؟ اسان پنهنجي ضرورت هٿان مجبور ٿي جيڪڏهن اهڙي ڪا اميد قائم ڪريون به ٿا ته، پوءِ ان جي پوري نه ٿي سگهڻ جي سئو سيڪڙو امڪان لاءِ به تيار رهڻ گهرجي. پ پ جا سنڌي اڳواڻ جيڪڏهن پنهنجي پارٽي جي ترجمان فوزيا وهاب کي به قائل ڪرڻ جي صلاحيت ۽ همت نٿا رکن ته، پوءِ کانئن پنجاب ۽ ان جي سگهارن ادارن کان سنڌ جون ضرورتون مڃائڻ جي اميد ڪندڙ ئي پاڻ کي ٺيڪ ڪري وٺن. موجوده رياستي وهنوار ۾ سنڌ جو ڪيس اقتدار جي ايوانن ۾ ويهي مڃرائڻ جو ڪم ٿيڻو ئي ناهي، ڀلي حڪمران پارٽي ڪهڙي به هجي، اهو ڪم سنڌ جي عوام کي پاڻ ڪرڻو آهي ۽ پنهنجي طاقت ۽ سگهه ذريعي ڪرڻو آهي.
سنڌ حڪومت جيڪا سي جي ڪئنال جي کلڻ کي سنڌ سان زيادتي قرار ڏئي رهي هئي، ان عجيب طريقي سان گڏيل قومن جي مفادن واري ڪائونسل جي اجلاس ۾ ڀاشا ڊيم جي اڏاوت تي به راضپو ڏيکاري ڇڏيو آهي! پ پ سنڌ جي قيادت کي ڪيس وڙهڻو هو پنهنجي عوام جو، پر سندن موجودگيءَ ۾ هر فيصلو ٿي رهيو آهي، پنجاب جي مفادن جو!
لڳاتار ڌَڪ کائڻ کان پوءِ هاڻي اسان کي روايتي سياست ڪندڙ سياستدانن مان جان ڇڏائڻ لاءِ سوچڻ گهرجي، ڪا ڪوشش ته ڪجي، ٿي سگهي ٿو اسان کي فوري طور بهترين قيادت نه به ملي، پر ڪا نئين قيادت ته ملي سگهي ٿي، اهڙي قيادت، جنهن جو محور پنهنجي ذات نه، 5 ڪروڙ سنڌين جي خوشحالي ۽ سندن مفادن جو تحفظ ڪرڻ هجي.